REHABILITATION COUNTRY PROFILES
A divided nation
Lebanon has a tumultuous history, having endured a civil war from 1975 to 1990 that resulted in the deaths of approximately 120,000 people and the displacement of millions. Beirut, the capital, has witnessed numerous terrorist attacks, such as the bombings of the US embassy and attacks on barracks housing the Multinational Force, both of which took place in 1983. These acts claimed the lives of hundreds of people, including soldiers and civilians. Following the civil war, Lebanon remained under the influence of neighbouring countries, particularly Israel and Syria. Israel officially withdrew its troops in 2000 but conducted a military operation against Hezbollah in 2006, causing civilian casualties and mass displacement. Syria, implicated in the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafic Hariri in 2005, faced a popular uprising – the Cedar Revolution – and eventually withdrew its military presence from Lebanon. The aftermath of these events created further divisions, giving rise to two political coalitions with opposing ideologies and foreign policy stances—the pro-Syrian 8 March alliance and the anti-Syrian 14 March alliance.
Sectarian divisions and the Syrian civil war
The ‘confessional’ structure of the Lebanese government, in which political positions are associated with specific religious communities has resulted in fragmented, partisan and often ineffective governance. The government has struggled to provide basic services and goods across the country, particularly in Shia-dominated regions. Hezbollah, taking advantage of this lack of legitimacy and governmental presence, has established itself as a surrogate state, providing services such as healthcare, education, and welfare primarily in Shia-dominated areas. Its legitimacy among the Lebanese increased when it forced Israel to withdraw in 2000. Hezbollah’s involvement in the Syrian civil war from 2011 further deepened political and sectarian divisions within the Lebanese government. Due to these many divisions, Lebanon has faced challenges in establishing a unified central authority.
The war in Syria also led to the resurgence of radical Islamists in Lebanon, particularly in Palestinian camps and the city of Tripoli, attracting individuals seeking to join extremist groups like Al Qaeda and ISIS. This, in turn, contributed to sectarian tensions and a series of suicide and car bombings in Lebanon. To date the security service’s attempts to disrupt extremist networks have yielded varied outcomes.
The country’s intricate sectarian composition, permeable borders, and the influx of approximately 1.5 million Syrian refugees straining at Lebanon’s buckling infrastructure combine to create favourable conditions for recruitment to extremist groups. While numerous plots have been successfully thwarted, there have been instances where they have occurred, stressing the need for a preventative approach to reduce the risk of attacks.
The importance of deradicalisation
Despite their disagreements, leaders from both political blocs in Lebanon recognised the importance of addressing the threat posed by radicalized groups to national security and sought a comprehensive, long-term, national strategy to prevent violent extremism. Lebanon was among the first countries in the Middle East and North Africa to take steps towards implementing the Plan of Action to Prevent Violent Extremism presented by the UN Secretary-General in 2015.
In 2016, the Lebanese government unanimously adopted the ‘National Strategy for Preventing Violent Extremism.’ Aligned with the United Nations’ Plan of Action, the strategy addresses the specific social and political characteristics of Lebanon. In early 2017, Saad Hariri, the prime minister of Lebanon at the time, called for the establishment of an inter-ministerial working group tasked with designing a Lebanese strategy to prevent violent extremism.
The formulation of the Lebanese PVE Strategy involved a consultative process between the National Counterterrorism Commission, Lebanese ministries and other stakeholders. On July 17, 2017, the first high-level Consultative Meeting for the PVE Strategy took place at the Grand Serail, the prime minister’s headquarters. After a year of consultations, the programme was publicly released in February 2019.
Nine pillars of the strategy
The Lebanese Strategy encompasses various pillars and areas of activity agreed upon by the ministries.
- Dialogue and Conflict Prevention
- Promotion of Good Governance
- Justice, Human Rights, and the Rule of Law
- Urban/Rural Development and Engagement with Local Communities
- Gender Equality and Empowering Women
- Education, Training, and Skills Development
- Economic Development and Job Creation
- Strategic Communications, Informatics, and Social Media
- Empowering Youth
Building multi-agency cooperation
The Aarhus model from Denmark has gained international attention as a means of reducing radicalisation. Lebanese policymakers were inspired by the Aarhus approach and have attempted to replicate its success. The model is based on a multi-agency research-based initiative which promotes cooperation and information sharing between schools, social services, and the police. It is customised to the specific needs of the local community, and focuses on targeting individuals at risk of radicalisation and those who have already become radicalised.
However, there are significant differences between Danish and Lebanese infrastructure for crime prevention which make this challenging. Danish municipalities have played a key role in crime prevention for decades, while Lebanese municipalities have not ordinarily taken on such responsibilities. Additionally, Lebanon lacks a multi-agency cooperation system like the one in Aarhus, making it challenging to transfer and sustain the Aarhus model effectively.
To address these challenges, the Danish-Lebanese Strong Cities Network Partnership, in collaboration with the Ministry of Interior and Municipalities, has established prevention networks in three Lebanese municipalities. These networks aim to adapt and implement prevention strategies based on the Aarhus model.
Forensic social work NGO combats radicalisation
Civil society interventions have also deployed in Lebanon. One innovative example is ‘Rescue Me’, an organisation founded by sisters Nancy and Maya Yamout in 2011, which had over 20 workers at the end of 2020. The sisters are forensic social workers who aim to rehabilitate and reintegrate prisoners convicted of terrorism, spurred by the experiences of a friend who joined a radical movement. They conducted research inside prisons to gain the trust of individuals and develop a programme specifically tailored to their needs. ‘Rescue Me’ profiles their clients and works closely with those families willing to cooperate to address psychological issues, aiming to reduce the vulnerability of former prisoners to re-recruitment. The Yammout sisters find that male extremists relate more easily to women in discussing their situations, and also that they can interact with women and girls from extremist groups more effectively. ‘We tried having a male researcher, and the prisoners refused to go talk to him,’ they said.
The sisters identified the presence of vulnerable individuals being recruited to extremist groups in Roumieh prison, which is known for housing Lebanese, Syrian, and Palestinian male inmates accused of being Islamist terrorists. They observed that the frequent delays in trials allowed time for hardliners to influence other inmates and also exacerbated prisoners’ sense of grievance. The crucial aspect was providing a non-judgmental space for inmates to share their stories and feel acknowledged rather than scrutinised.
Personalised interventions
Collaborating closely with inmates, the sisters developing a personalised rehabilitation program for each individual over the course of eight years. They adopted an individualised approach rather than implementing pre-set programs, tailoring their efforts to the specific circumstances of each case and the individual. They avoid discussing religion and politics, focussing narrowly upon the psychosocial needs of the individual, often finding a different route for them to find personal fulfilment in a different way. They have also launched the ‘Messengers of Peace’ project, which has a more preventative focus, aiming to address youth at risk of recruitment, including young refugees. They conduct workshops in Lebanese schools, specifically targeting young people between the ages of eleven and sixteen. The majority of the students they work with are from Syria and have been exposed to significant violence, either experiencing it first-hand or as a witness.
Youth intervention has a particular relevance to their work, since they had identified that men with absent or abusive fathers seemed to be at particular risk of radicalisation. Lebanon’s large refugee population presents a particular challenge, presenting a dangerous combination of poverty, disrupted social structures and strained family relationships. Furthermore, the vulnerability of many individuals in these communities is exacerbated by their lack of Lebanese citizenship. This makes them susceptible to those who offer them a new identity and purpose.
The research conducted by the Yamout sisters has gained recognition in countries such as Germany, Austria, Sweden, and the United States, providing valuable insights into the underlying motives that drive young individuals towards extremism
Sustaining prevention efforts in Lebanon
The implementation of significant reforms necessary for the effective prevention of violent extremism in Lebanon requires a fundamental shift away from the sectarian, corrupt, and flawed political system that has hindered progress and perpetuated mistrust among the people, as demonstrated by the government’s violent response to recent protests, their lack of accountability over major incidents, such as the Beirut port explosion and their lack of ability to deliver services. Funding for civil society actors such as ‘Rescue Me’ and the development of the civil society is unstable, discouraging long-term interventions and expansion of successful programmes. Addressing these challenges requires a fundamental shift in the political landscape and sustained support for prevention efforts.